In Everyones Life There Will Be Peaks And Valleys. What Happens When

In everyone's life there will be peaks and valleys. What happens when a boy peaks before he has even had the chance to be a man? Can he be content to live in his remembrances of the past even though he seemingly has no future? John Updike's poem, Ex-Basketball Player, suggests that whether happy or not, both the man and the town he lives in need those remembrances. They need them so much, in fact, that the man and town become dependant on each other for reaffirmation of the past. The poem is built around the character Flick Webb, who was a highschool basketball star, but is now confined to the monotony of pumping gas the small town where he was born and raised. Updike does not take an obvious "good or bad" stance on Flick's situation, but rather uses imagery to portray a dark, dingy world of the present and contrast it with the bright, shining glory of Flick's past. The imagery is evident in the first two lines of the poem, where Pearl Avenue "bends with the trolley tracks and stops, cut off." (2) Already we see that Flick's future has been cut short, like the very road that leads to Berth's Garage, where he pumps gas. In fact, the train even passes by the very high school Flick attended. Like Flick, though the train passes the high school, it does not go far beyond. The words "cut off" are the key to understanding Flick's situation. Abruptly, his course was changed. Without warning, his stardom was exchanged for mediocrity. A highschool basketball star's glory days were cut off by the striking reality that he, as the poem suggests, "never learned a trade." (19) In the poem's next stanza, it becomes obvious that Flick is out of place amongst the "idiot pumps" (7) with their "rubber elbows hanging loose and low." (9) The imagery suggests that these inanimate objects are as close as Flick comes to any sort of real contact with others, as is further suggested by the last stanza of the poem, in which he ignores Mae to stare of into "applauding tiers of Necco Wafers, Nibs, and JuJu Beads." (30) The reference to one of the pumps as "more of a football type" (12) also points to the fact that Flick views the world through sports analogies and his past. The fact that there are five pumps, like five men on a basketball court for each team, also suggests that Flick still views life in terms of basketball. These facts affirm the notion that Flick did not concentrate on anything other than basketball throughout his formative years. Not relationships with others, not academics, not a fallback plan. Just basketball. The term "idiot" used to describe the pumps (7) also separates Flick from the other basketball players he used to play with and against. Just as he is out of place amongst the pumps, his talent put him out of place amongst his peers. In fact, though he was revered and lauded, Flick was never really a part of the town. His presence was merely ornamental, and continues to be. The theme that Flick is not necessarily unhappy, but out of place, continues throughout the poem. As we are told that "the ball loved Flick" (16) and "he was the best," (14) we see that it is not just Flick who looks upon his past with a sort of admiration and pride. It is the entire city. He is, in fact, the local hero. The boy who didn't exactly make it big, but he made it big enough that he's remembered. Perhaps the town longs for that hero the same way Flick does. But it is not longing for Flick, specifically. What the town, as represented by the narrator, wants is another hero. Until one comes along, they will live vicariously through Flick's past. "As a gag, he dribbles an inner tube, but most of us remember anyway," (21-22) the narrator muses. It's as though Flick wants to remind the town of his past, but he has no need, for they cling to it just as he does. He does not see people, he sees spectators. He does not see gas pumps, he sees opponents, team

Signifying Definition and Examples in English

Signifying Definition and Examples in English Signifying is a combination of rhetorical strategies employed in African American speech communitiesin particular, the use of irony and indirection to express ideas and opinions. In The Signifying Monkey: A Theory of African-American Literary Criticism  (Oxford University Press, 1988), Henry Louis Gates describes signifyin(g) as a trope in which are subsumed several other rhetorical tropes, including metaphor, metonymy, synecdoche, and irony (the master tropes), and also hyperbole, litotes, and metalepsis ([Harold] Blooms supplement to [Kenneth] Burke). To this list, we could easily add aporia, chiasmus, and catachresis, all of which are used in the ritual of signifyin(g). Examples and Observations Above all, signifying is a ritualistic practice that serves various functions in different African American discursive and communal spaces. Some scholars define signifying as primarily a male-dominated activity (the female version is called specifying). African American men in this verbal art form focus their anger, aggression, and frustration into a relatively harmless exchange of wordplay where they can establish their masculinity in verbal battles with their peers. This form of signifying lends itself to validating a pecking order style of dominance based on the result of the verbal exchange. . . .Signifying can affirm, critique, or build community through the involvement of its participants. (Carole Boyce Davies, Encyclopedia of the African Diaspora: Origins, Experiences, and Culture. ABC-CLIO, 2008)Women, and to certain extent children, commonly use more indirect methods of signifying. These range from the most obvious kinds of indirection, like using an unexpected pronoun in di scourse (Didnt we come to shine today or Who thinks his drawers dont stink?), to the more subtle technique, of louding or loud-talking in a different sense from the one above. A person is loud-talking when he says something of someone just loud enough for that person to hear, but indirectly, so he cannot properly respond (Mitchell-Kernan). Another technique of signifying through indirection is making reference to a person or group not present, in order to start trouble between someone present and the ones who are not. An example of this technique is the famous toast, The Signifying Monkey. (Roger D. Abrahams, Talking Black. Newbury House, 1976) Rhetorically, for the African American community, the strategy behind indirection suggests that direct confrontation in everyday discourse is to be avoided when possible. . . . Normally, indirection has been treated as a function of the speech acts and not as a rhetorical strategy in oral discourse. Boasting, bragging, loud talking, rapping, signifying, and, to a degree, playing the dozens have elements of indirection. . . .While signifying is a way of encoding a message, ones shared cultural knowledge is the basis on which any reinterpretation of the message is made. Theoretically, signifying (Black) as a concept can be used to give meaning to rhetorical acts of African Americans and indicate a Black presence. Rhetorically, one can also explore texts for the manner in which the themes or worldviews of other texts are repeated and revised with a signal difference, but based on shared knowledge. (Thurmon Garner and Carolyn Calloway-Thomas, African American Orality. Understanding Afric an American Rhetoric: Classical Origins to Contemporary Innovations, ed. by Ronald L. Jackson II and Elaine B. Richardson. Routledge, 2003) Also known as: signifyin(g), signifyin

Interview with leaders or managers in any organization Essay

Interview with leaders or managers in any organization - Essay Example As a unit manager, she reports directly to the department manager of nursing. Her responsibilities include planning, organizing, directing and controlling all aspects of operations pertaining to the two units: cardiovascular and telemetry. Aside from the nurse managers who are directly involved in governing nurses for patient care and for the delivery of health care services, as unit manager, she performs all responsibilities involving administration and governance of the units. These responsibilities include performance appraisals and evaluation; scheduling of vacation leaves and monitoring of sick leaves; monitoring the upkeep and maintenance of supplies and equipment for the units, as well as the general functioning of the patients’ rooms and amenities and the emergency cart; completion of reportorial requirements of staff nurses; and monitoring the upkeep of cleanliness and maintenance of the units’ facilities to ensure maximized operations of the units with minimal costs. When asked what the meaning of management was in her personal opinion, Ms. Rodgers replied that the term management actually involved compliance with functions of planning, organizing, directing and controlling all aspects or areas being governed. Managers create an environment for effective performance. They have the responsibilities of integrating tasks, structure, technology, resources and people into a productive and performing configuration. As revealed, Ms. Rodgers indicated that managers achieve goals through the efforts of people and they have to design strategies to influence the behavior of the people they govern. In this regard, managers have to be leaders, as well. Leadership was noted as the process of influencing people so that defined goals are effectively achieved. Leaders focus on influencing behavior towards the attainment of an identified objective. They could or could not necessarily be managers in organizations. On the other hand,

Analysis of The Ali G Show Article Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2250 words

Analysis of The Ali G Show - Article Example Channel 4 is a publicly owned entity owned and operated by Channel Four Television Corporation. Channel 4 transmits some of the most promising TV programmes like Desperate Housewives, How I Met Your Mom and more controversial programmes like Ali G and Brass Eye, which has been condemned by the general population, religious organizations and politicians as well. Channel 4’s tag line is ‘demonstrating innovation and experiment’ (Channel 4 2011). The Ali G show is one of the controversial programmes aired by Channel 4 (Kelso 2002). The Ali G show is a satirical programme starring Ali G, a character played by British actor Sacha Baron Cohen. The series has been aired twice; the original in the UK in 2000 and its follow up was aired between 2003 and 2004 in the US channel HBO and was called Ali G in the USA. Ali G plays a host in an interview show where he interviews celebrities, high-ranking officials in different capacities and politicians, but in a comical way. One of the reasons it is comical is that the interviewees usually think it is a serious talk show until later on during the interviews. Ali G’s full-screen name is Alistair Leslie Graham, but he shortens it to what he believes is a more interesting name that can better be identified with a more youthful, hip hop and Caribbean oriented crowd, Ali G. his accent is also exaggerated a lot with the Afro-Caribbean accent. His clothing, character and the way he carries himself around are also influenced largely by hip-hop. Ali G is always in brightly colored tracksuits, sports sneakers, a tight headgear called a du-rag and matching sunglasses that give him his unique look. Furthermore, he imitates African-Americans a lot, even though he is from the UK. His interviewing skills are also anything but comical. In the USA for instance, he tells his interviewees, usually celebrities, that he is a British media personality that wants to interview them about the media and politics. And just lik e in normal interviews, the collected and well-groomed celebrities start to answer his questions the way they are used to in other conventional interviews they attend. The issue is, they are not aware that Ali G is probably pulling their legs and that his interviews are neither normal nor conventional. As soon as the celebrities answer the questions, Ali G picks up a word they have said and twists and turns it and the rest of the interview leaves the formerly collected celebrity lost for words, before finally realizing that Ali G is not really serious. He calls on his ‘hommies’ to give opinions and ask other silly questions that leave interviewees agape and very uncomfortable. His ‘hommies’ or friends, including his girlfriend, are just as comical and unconventional as Ali G himself.  

Week 4 (my part of team assignment) Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

Week 4 (my part of team assignment) - Essay Example The first scenario that will be analyzed is zero growth. Under the cero growth scenario the company during the next five years will maintain a constant sales level. An economist might state that in reality a company that achieves zero growth loses because during those five years inflation occurred. At the US 2.3% annual rate of inflation the cumulative inflation after five years would be 11.5%. This means that the company lost 11.5% in purchasing power at the end of the five years. If sales stayed the same the company would be worst off after five years because expenses increased due to inflation. The company can offset the detrimental effect on cost inflation has by implementing process improvement that reduce the cost of doing business. To maintain a stable level of sales over a five year period the company must achieve a good customer retention rate. The second scenario is for Larson Inc. to decrease its sales over the five year period. The world is currently facing the effects of a global recession that started approximately 2008. The US GPD growth for the 2nd quarter of 2010 was 2.4% (Amadeo, 2010). Despite the economy having achieved a positive overall growth there are many problems with the US economy. In the United States the unemployment rate is at a massive 9.9% rate. In the past the unemployment rate in the United States always used to hover below 5%. This means that unemployment is twice as high as it was a few years ago. Larson produces batteries for the regular household consumers. If these people have less money available then they will purchases less batteries. The unemployment rate in Germany is higher than in the United States at a 10.8% rate. If the level of sales of Larsen Inc. decreases for the next five years the company and its managers are going to face some tough decisions. Massive layoffs of personnel are a high possibility. The company might have to sacrifice quality by purchasing cheaper quality materials for

Secularism In India | An Analysis

Secularism In India | An Analysis Secularism in India as Gandhi and Nehru saw it is distinctly different from the Western view of secularism. The Gandhi-Nehru secularism places the importance of the states neutrality between Indias many faiths. Indias independence eventually came as a result of Congress success in 1946 elections,  [1]  and as a result the emergent India embodied an idea of a political community that was brought together by modern notions such as individual rights, democracy, and citizenship irrespective of religious or other markers of ethnic identity.  [2]  The Congress party embraced a version of nationalism that promoted an inclusive and plural vision of the Indian state irrespective of religious or other identities. According to Amartya Sen, the roots of Indian secularism can be traced back to its long and diverse multi-faith history.  [3]  Indias constitution grants its citizens, individual as well as group rights.  [4]  As such, Indias secularism tends to emphasize the neutrality of the state in religious affairs as opposed to a strict separation of the state from religion. According to Sen, the first view requires the state to be equidistant with respect to all religions meaning that the state treatment of different religions and religious communities will be symmetrical. The second view requires that the state has absolutely no relationship with any religion.  [5]   For the purpose of this essay first we will look if as per the Constitution India is secular State and second how Hindu nationalism affects Indias secularism. Evolution of constitution Nehru initiated the process of constitution making with the eight point resolution for Independent India on December 13th, 1946. According to the resolution India was to be a union of the provinces and the princely states. The constitution guaranteed the upholding of equality, justice, and freedom to the people of India. Along with these the constitution had special provisions for the people from the scheduled class, backward and under-developed areas. The constitution of Independent India had many things in common with the Government of India Act 1935 except the incorporation of Universal Adult Franchise as article 326 in June 1949 which marked its major differentiation with the Government of India Act.  [6]   The Constitution did not contain the word secular till the 42nd Amendment in 1976, in Article 25(2)(b). Prof. K.T. Shah was the only member who made an effort to get a provision regarding the secular character of India included in the Constitution. The following amendment, moved as Amendment No.366, was defeated on 3rd December 1948.  [7]   The State in India being secular shall have no concern with any religion, creed or profession of faith; and shall observe an attitude of absolute neutrality in all matters relating to the religion of any class of its citizens or other persons in the Union. The following extract from the speech of Pandit Laxmi Kanth Maitra on 6th December 1948 quoted by Justice R. A. Jahagirdar can be said to reflect the consensus of the members: By (a) secular State, as I understand it, is meant that the State is not going to make any discrimination whatsoever on the ground of religion or community against any person professing any particular form of religious faith. This means in essence that no particular religion in the State will receive any State patronage whatsoever.  [8]   As the BJP Home Minister L.K. Advani is quoted by James Chiriyakandath to have said: The Constituent Assembly drew up a secular Constitution essentially because theocracy is alien to Indias history, tradition and culture. The concept of Sarva Panth Sammabhav (equal respect for all faiths) has always been regarded as an essential attribute of the state and statecraft of our country.  [9]   The non-discriminatory character of a secular State is undoubtedly imprinted on the Constitution. There is individual and collective freedom of religion the right to freely profess, practice and propagate religion. Every religious denomination has been given the fundamental right to establish and maintain its own institutions and to manage its own affairs in matters of religion (Art.25).  [10]   While Article 25 gives individuals complete autonomy with regard to practice and performance of religious rituals, Article 26 allows every religious group an equal opportunity to operate within the prescribed domain, which is defined by the law.  [11]   Equal treatment of all religious denominations requires that the state does not associate itself with a particular religion or recognise a particular religion as the majoritys religion which in Indias case is Hinduism, the constitution rather disassociates itself from it. Article 27 stipulates that no person shall be compelled to pay any taxes, the proceeds of which are specifically appropriated in payment of expenses for the promotion or maintenance of any particular religion. Article 28(1) says: No religious instruction shall be provided in any educational institution wholly maintained out of State funds.  [12]   These articles indicate separation of state and religion. Moreover, the silence of Indian constitution over the provision of an official religion speaks the most about separation of state and religion. As Smith says, What the constitution does not say is just as important as what it does say. On citizenship, the Indian constitution recognises the people of India as the citizens where the state has nothing to do with their religion, faith, belief or caste and acclaims to treat all citizens equally. Article 15(1) ensures religion as not being a cause of discrimination. It states: The state shall not discriminate any citizen on grounds only of religion, race, caste, sex, and place of birth or any of them. Article 16(1) and (2) states: There shall be equality of opportunity for all citizens in matters relating to employment or appointment to any office under the state.  [13]   No citizen shall, on the grounds of religion, race, caste, sex, descent, place of birth, residence or any of them, be ineligible for, or discriminated against in respect of, any employment or appointment under the state. The employment of the three clauses, individual and collective freedom of religion, separation of state and religion and citizenship in the Indian constitution excludes the role of religion in defining the relationship between the union and its citizens. Emergence of Hindu nationalism and role of Hindutva in Indian politics The Bharatiya Jana Sangh (BJS) and the Akhil Bharat Hindu Mahasabha had been in the Indian political arena since 1951 and 1915 respectively. It was the political and institutional context of Indian politics in the 1980s, and not Hindu nationalist ideology per se, that facilitated the emergence of the BJP.  [14]  For BJP Hindu nationalism equates Indian-ness with Hindutva (Hindu-ness)  [15]  as the threat that nationality is based on territory and not religion.. For this essay the impact of Hindu nationalism on Indias secularism is explained by assessing a) the Uniform Civil Code, b) the Ayodhya controversy and c) Article 370 of the Indian Constitution which gives Kashmir special status within the Indian union. We also look at d) the saffronization of education in India through a reinterpretation of Indian history by Hindu nationalists. According to Savarkar a true citizen of India is one for whom India is not just the matribhoomi (motherland) but also the punyabhoomi (sacred land).  [16]  These two notions are congruent for Hindus Hindus, Jains, Buddhists and Sikhs whom they regard as the true citizens of India. According to this argument, Christians and Muslims pose a cultural threat to Indian (Hindu) culture since their punyabhoomi does not coincide with the territory of India. They can live in India so long as they do not assert their identities and conform to the larger Indian (Hindu) culture.  [17]   The Hindu nationalist agenda operates at multiple levels within Indian society. The BJP (and its predecessor, the BJS) serve as the political arm of Hindu nationalism. The RSS fulfils a militant and ideological role; the Bajrang Dal is an organization aimed at radicalizing Indias Hindu youth; the Vishwa Hindu Parishad works as a social and cultural body espousing Hindu nationalism (and even works with the radical elements within the Hindu diaspora); and the Vidya Bharti works as the educational arm of the RSS. Together, these and numerous similar organizations form what is known as the Sangh Parivar built around the RSS that aims to promote Hindu nationalism. In 1948 RSS was temporarily declared to be an unlawful organization and its activities were proscribed as a result of Mahatma Gandhis assassination by Nathuram Vinayak Godse, an RSS devotee. The Hindu Mahasabha, another political group of HIndutva escaped ban at this time but their activities were forbidden these groups were forced to maintain a lower profile. Since independence, Congress party dominated the Indian political scene until 1989. Congress partys hegemony began to gradually decrease after Nehrus death in 1964. Indira Gandhis imposition of emercy between 1975 and 1977 caused mass disillusionment with the Congress party across India. This ultimately led to the election of the first non-Congress party government in 1977, led by the Janata Party, a coalition of parties that included the BJS. Within this political context BJP formed in 1980 entered national politics in India. BJP tried an attempt to appear as a more moderate party and capture wider popular appeal which alienated the RSS, which in turn supported Rajiv Gandhi and the Congress party in the 1984 elections to demonstrate its displeasure.  [18]  As a result, the BJP returned to its Hindu nationalist ideological core. Use of religion by Indira Gandi in the state of Punjab to challenge the appeal of its regional rival, the Akali Dal, a Sikh religious party and later Raj iv Gandhis reversion of Supreme Court judgment that had granted alimony to Shah Bano  [19]  further assisted BJPs Hindutva cause rise. BJP used Congress partys decision to pacify the Muslim orthodoxy to argue that this step was contrary to the spirit and practice of Indian secularism as it privileged the sectarian interests of a particular religious community. In 1989 Rajiv Gandhi began his electoral campaign in Faizabad district, where the town of Ayodhya is located. There he promised to create a Ram Rajya (rule of Ram), again playing majoritarian politics. BJP started to openly criticise the Congress partys manipulation of religious symbols as pseudo-secularism. However, the Congress party lost the 1989 elections and the era of coalition and minority-led government of V. P. Singh which was supported by the BJP from the outside. In order to secure the support of the now mobilized lower castes, V. P. Singhs government put forth an affirmative action program the Mandal Commission that promised 27 percent of all government jobs and places in institutions of higher education.  [20]  In order to offset political split within the Hindu community, L. K. Advani launched a 10,000 kilometer-long rath yatra in 1990. He expected the twin pillars of Mandal and Masjid would ensure the rise of hindu nationalism rise in Indian politics. While the BJP was only able to win 7.4 percent of the popular vote in the 1984 general elections, its vote share increased to 21 percent in 1991.35 In 1996 the BJP formed a coalition government that only lasted 13 days, while the 1998 BJP-led coalition government, the National Democratic Alliance (NDA), survived for a year. Finally, in 1999 the BJP-led NDA government formed the first non-Congress government that survived the full five-year term with Atal Bihari Vajpayee as its prime minister. Jaffrelot has shown that the Hindu nationalist movements strategies include both radical and moderate elements.  [21]  The BJPs radicalized, militant nature is demonstrated by the Babri Masjid demolition in 1992 and the Gujarat violence a decade later ensured the support of its core constituency and the RSS. In spite of their coalition with ideologically different parties, the BJP succeeded in promoting a Hindu nationalist version of Indian history by implementing changes to the National Curriculum Framework.  [22]  The specific policy issues that were crucial to the Hindu nationalist agenda were; Uniform Civil Code: In the late 1980s the controversy created by the Shah Bano case gave the BJP the ammunition to criticize the policies of the Congress party as catering to minority-ism and being pseudo-secular. This case is an example of this tension between individual and group/religious rights guaranteed by the Indian Constitution.  [23]  The Indian state did not show the same zeal for reform in Muslim laws as it did while enacting the Hindu laws in 1955 and 1956. According to Articles 37 and 44 of the Indian Constitution, the establishment of a uniform civil code is a directive principle for the Indian state in making laws, even as it is not enforceable by any court.  [24]   BJP still remains committed to the implementation of a uniform (Hinduized) civil code. The Ayodhya Controversy: The destruction of the Babri Masjid at Ayodhya in 1992 and controversies surrounding this mosque had been around since the nineteenth century, this issue had remained dormant since Indias independence.  [25]  In the 1980s, the BJP used this issue as a political rallying point to unite the Hindu electorate irrespective of caste or language in an attempt to construct a Hindu vote.  [26]  As an electoral strategy the Ayodhya issue paid off. The BJP increased its vote share from 11.4 percent in 1989 to 21 percent in the 1991 general elections.  [27]  The construction of a Ram temple at the site of the destroyed mosque remains on the agenda of the Hindu nationalists. The Ayodhya controversy erupted again in February 2002. This attack had all the signs of a systematic and pre-meditated political violence on minority Muslims in which the state government was an active party. This led to the rise of Hindu nationalism supporters so much so that Narendra Mo di even campaigned on the Hindutva platform in the state elections in 2002 and won. The Hindu nationalists further threatened that Gujarat experience would serve as a laboratory to be replicated elsewhere in India.  [28]   According to Nussbaum, Hindu nationalism in general, and the Gujarat incident in particular, poses a serious threat to the survival of democracy in India.  [29]  However, the general outrage amongst the Indian public in other states led BJP to drop this issue from their 1999 NDA election manifesto try to replicate it in other Indian states. Article 370 and Kashmir: Article 370 of the Indian Constitution grants Kashmir special status within the Indian union. Kashmir is Indias only Muslim-majority state but enjoys special provisions such as restrictive land-ownership. Article 371 of the Indian Constitution allows the governments of certain states such as Nagaland and Mizoram in northeast India to legislate on the ownership and transfer of land in these regions, thereby restricting migrations of Indians from elsewhere in the country.  [30]  Indias Lakshadweep islands also enjoy a similar status as even Indian citizens require special permission to enter this restricted region.  [31]  However, it is only the Kashmir issue that is important to the Hindu nationalists given the complex history of its accession to the Indian union after independence.  [32]   Reinterpretation of History and Changes in the Educational Curriculum: In an attempt to show that India is the matribhoomi of all Hindus, the Hindu nationalist historians claim that the Vedic Sanskrit-speaking Indo-Aryan peoples were indigenous to India, thereby implying that no Indo-Aryan migration into the subcontinent ever occurred.  [33]  to show that all of Indias Hindus are the descendants of the original inhabitants of the subcontinent.  [34]  Islamic political dominance in the subcontinent has been reinterpreted by the Hindu nationalists to emphasize the more militant aspect of the rule of the Mughal Emperor Aurangzeb and the exploitation of their Hindu subjects. Periods of Hindu-Muslim cultural syncretism and good governance of Akbar is absent from the Hindu nationalist narrative of this period of Indias history.  [35]  Furthermore, these revised textbooks have deleted references to the assassination of Mahatma Gandhi in 1948 by a member of the Hindu Mahasabha. T he textbooks blame Muslims for the partition of India.  [36]  Since the BJP has a long-term agenda to redefine Indian identity, they were not hesitant to use their power while in government to redefine Indias past with the intention to mould the future generations understanding of Indias history along their ideological lines. According to the twin tolerations argument, a broad range of religious-state relations are possible in a democracy.  [37]  BJPs single major success has been the communalization of Indian politics by changing the discourse on secularism. It has affected in two ways. First, in spite of the rise of Hindu nationalism, a standardization of Hinduism appears to be occurring for the first time in the religions history. Second, Indias lower castes are increasingly conforming to the religious and social norms of the upper castes as they climb the socio-economic ladder. This is resulting in further homogenization within Hindu society.  [38]   Is India a secular state? What is India and who is an Indian are simple questions that are extremely difficult to answer.  [39]  One should note that the territorial idea inevitably becomes part of all nation-states, but territory does not have to be the defining principle of national identity.  [40]  The constitution makers without mentioning the word secular wrote a secular constitution. Though the constitution does not define who or what is a Hindu, but it defines followers of Buddhism, Jainism and Sikhism as Hindus for purposes of Hindu temple entry. Article 25 (2) (b) (Explanation II) states: the reference to Hindus shall be construed as including a reference to persons professing the Sikh, Jaina or Buddhist religionà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦ Would this be to prevent the conversion of Dalits to Christianity or Islam, to reform Hinduism to make it palatable to the former untouchables? The Hindu Marriage Act of 1955 applies to (a) any person who is a Hindu by religion in any of its forms and developments, including a Virashaiva, a Lingayat or follower of the Brahmo, Prarthana or Arya Samaj; (b) to any person who is a Buddhist, Jain or Sikh by religion, and (c) to any person domiciled in the territories who is not a Muslim, Christian, Parsi or Jew by religion.  [41]   In other words, legally there is no such thing as a Buddhist, Jain, or Sikh marriage, is this another attempt to deny other religions a distinctive identity and absorb them in the Hindu fold? Although freedom of religion is granted under the constitutions Article 25 (1), in 1982, when a few hundred Dalits embraced Islam in Meenakshipuram, Indira Gandhi characterized conversions as a threat to national security and the central government took measures to curb conversions. Is it not ironic that the Indian state is ready to deploy army to cleanse out Sikh insurgents from Golden Temple and Muslim rebels from Charar-i Sharif, but not protect Babri Mosque from the Hindu activists? Article 16 (2) of the constitution prohibits discrimination in public employment on religious grounds. Per Presidential orders of 1950 and 1956 the beneficiaries of Scheduled Castes reservation can only be Hindus, Sikhs and Buddhists but not Christians and Muslims. Predominantly Hindu army of Kashmir was absorbed in the national army in 1947; whereas Hyderabads largely Muslim army was disbanded, rendering nearly 20,000 jobless. Are Indian armys infantry regiments not still based on religion (Sikh regiments), or ethnicity (Gorkha) or caste (Rajput) or region (Garhwal) in which members of other faiths, ethnicities, and regions are barred? Are government school texts in Hindi and regional languages not saturated with signs, symbols idioms, phrases, and icons of Hinduism? Have the textbooks of history and social studies not been filled with gross distortions of Indian history of all eras, ancient, medieval and modern portraying Muslims and Christians to be the villains, traitors and foreigners? Based on the constitution and political practice including congress partys can we not say India is as secular as India can be No Less, No More.

Essay on the Gift of Life in Shakespeares Sonnet 16 -- Sonnet essays

The Precious Gift of Life Revealed in Sonnet 16 Throughout literature authors attempt to control the passage of time through their works. In William Shakespeare's "Sonnet 16" he addresses this subject through the use of literary devices. These devices indicate how the progress of seasons cannot be controlled by words alone. The passing of time is displayed through paradox and imagery, but it is overcome by the ceaseless life of progeny, unlike the feeble words of Shakespeare's sonnet. Change and age help determine time. Shakespeare uses paradox to help convey change and relate it to the past. He says to "fortify yourself in your decay," (3) which tells the reader that a stronger being and a stronger state of remembrance should be attained before death. Though Shakespeare attempts to endure time with verse, his sonnet alone is not worthy enough to withstand the future. A paradox in the couplet shows how to achieve this state of eternal life by "giv[ing] away yourself keeps yourself still" (13). To achieve ...